Naomi Klein on Democracy Now:[Open in new window]
(Fantasic interview about her new book & film: The Shock Doctrine)
AMY GOODMAN: Explain who Milton Friedman is, who you take on in a big way in this book.
NAOMI KLEIN: Well, I take on Milton Friedman because he is the symbol of the history that I am trying to challenge. Milton Friedman died last year. He died in 2006. And when he died, we heard him described in very lavish tributes as probably the most important intellectual of the post-war period, not just the most important economist, but the most important intellectual. And I think that a strong argument can be made for that. This was an adviser to Thatcher, to Nixon, to Reagan, to the current Bush administration. He tutored Donald Rumsfeld in the early days of his career. He advised Pinochet in the 1970s. He also advised the Communist Party of China in the key reform period in the late 1980s. So he had enormous influence. And I was talking to somebody the other day who described him as the Karl Marx for capitalism. And I think that’s not a bad description, although I’m sure Marx wouldn’t have liked it very much. But he was really a popularizer of these ideas.
He had a vision of society, in which the only acceptable role for the state was to enforce contracts and to protect borders. Everything else should be completely left to the market, whether education, national parks, the post office; everything that could be performed at a profit should be. And he really saw, I guess, shopping -- buying and selling -- as the highest form of democracy, as the highest form of freedom. And his best-known book was Capitalism and Freedom.
So, you know, when he died last year, we were all treated to a retelling of the official version of how these radical free-market ideas came to dominate the globe, how they swept through the former Soviet Union, Latin America, Africa, you know, how these ideas triumphed over the past thirty-five years. And I was so struck, because I was in the middle of writing this book, that we never heard about violence, and we never heard about crises, and we never heard about shocks. I mean, the official story is that these ideas triumphed because we wanted them to, that the Berlin Wall fell and people demanded their Big Macs along with their democracy. And, you know, the official story of the rise of this ideology goes through Margaret Thatcher saying, “There is no alternative,” to Francis Fukuyama saying, “History has ended. Capitalism and freedom go hand in hand.”
And so, what I’m trying to do with this book is tell that same story, the key junctures where this ideology has leapt forward, but I’m reinserting the violence, I’m reinserting the shocks, and I’m saying that there is a relationship between massacres, between crises, between major shocks and body blows to countries and the ability to impose policies that are actually rejected by the vast majority of the people on this planet...[Open in new window]
(Fantasic interview about her new book & film: The Shock Doctrine)
AMY GOODMAN: Explain who Milton Friedman is, who you take on in a big way in this book.
NAOMI KLEIN: Well, I take on Milton Friedman because he is the symbol of the history that I am trying to challenge. Milton Friedman died last year. He died in 2006. And when he died, we heard him described in very lavish tributes as probably the most important intellectual of the post-war period, not just the most important economist, but the most important intellectual. And I think that a strong argument can be made for that. This was an adviser to Thatcher, to Nixon, to Reagan, to the current Bush administration. He tutored Donald Rumsfeld in the early days of his career. He advised Pinochet in the 1970s. He also advised the Communist Party of China in the key reform period in the late 1980s. So he had enormous influence. And I was talking to somebody the other day who described him as the Karl Marx for capitalism. And I think that’s not a bad description, although I’m sure Marx wouldn’t have liked it very much. But he was really a popularizer of these ideas.
He had a vision of society, in which the only acceptable role for the state was to enforce contracts and to protect borders. Everything else should be completely left to the market, whether education, national parks, the post office; everything that could be performed at a profit should be. And he really saw, I guess, shopping -- buying and selling -- as the highest form of democracy, as the highest form of freedom. And his best-known book was Capitalism and Freedom.
So, you know, when he died last year, we were all treated to a retelling of the official version of how these radical free-market ideas came to dominate the globe, how they swept through the former Soviet Union, Latin America, Africa, you know, how these ideas triumphed over the past thirty-five years. And I was so struck, because I was in the middle of writing this book, that we never heard about violence, and we never heard about crises, and we never heard about shocks. I mean, the official story is that these ideas triumphed because we wanted them to, that the Berlin Wall fell and people demanded their Big Macs along with their democracy. And, you know, the official story of the rise of this ideology goes through Margaret Thatcher saying, “There is no alternative,” to Francis Fukuyama saying, “History has ended. Capitalism and freedom go hand in hand.”
And so, what I’m trying to do with this book is tell that same story, the key junctures where this ideology has leapt forward, but I’m reinserting the violence, I’m reinserting the shocks, and I’m saying that there is a relationship between massacres, between crises, between major shocks and body blows to countries and the ability to impose policies that are actually rejected by the vast majority of the people on this planet...[Open in new window]
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